When the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) finally convened its much-anticipated 102nd National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting in Abuja, many casual observers might have brushed it off as another routine political gathering.
But for those familiar with Nigeria’s political battleground, this was far from ordinary. It was a test of survival, a cautious rebirth for a party once pronounced politically lifeless.
Unlike past NEC meetings marred by chaos, rancour, and dramatic walkouts, the 102nd session held firm. For a political organisation scarred by recriminations, sabotage, and deep internal divisions after the 2023 general elections, the very fact that the meeting began and ended peacefully was remarkable. In Nigeria’s political climate, where optics can be as decisive as actual outcomes, survival itself became a victory.
The PDP has always walked a thin line between collapse and resurgence. Its history is littered with crises that would have buried weaker parties. From the “Third Term” saga of 2006, to the dramatic walkout of governors in 2014 that birthed the All Progressives Congress (APC), and to post-2019 leadership feuds that paralysed its national secretariat—the party has been tested repeatedly.
The 2023 elections represented another low. The rebellion of the G-5 governors, led by Nyesom Wike, openly defied the PDP’s presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar. The party not only lost the presidency but also its claim to being Africa’s largest political organisation. Analysts wrote its obituary.
Yet the 102nd NEC signaled that, true to its character, the PDP still had a survival instinct. Every crisis has forced reinvention. Its resilience has never been about the absence of fractures but about patching them enough to remain relevant.
Saraki’s Role in Avoiding Implosion
The road to the 102nd NEC was strewn with potential landmines. Chief among them was the attempt to unseat National Secretary Samuel Anyanwu, a move that threatened to trigger a constitutional crisis. It was the committee led by former Senate President Bukola Saraki that stepped in, advocating compromise, revalidating Anyanwu’s mandate, and preventing a destabilising legal showdown.
Saraki’s strategy was not to confront but to contain. His approach ensured that even Wike’s powerful bloc was engaged without being allowed to dominate.
Another major rift lay between the PDP governors and the National Working Committee (NWC). Saraki recognised that APC’s strength in 2023 was rooted in the unity of its governors behind Bola Tinubu. He worked to bridge the divide, and at the 102nd NEC, both camps spoke with unusual harmony.
The outcomes were significant: both the National Chairman and Secretary were affirmed in office, silencing rumours of their removal. The NEC also resolved to move forward with convention plans, signalling organisational readiness. PDP governors, long fractured, spoke with one voice—what Bauchi Governor Bala Mohammed described as “a new beginning.”
For grassroots members disillusioned by elite quarrels, this was a turning point. It showed the PDP could still conduct orderly meetings and project stability. National Publicity Secretary Debo Ologunagba hailed it as “a demonstration of internal democracy and resilience.”
The “Saraki Doctrine”
At the heart of this turnaround was Bukola Saraki. When he was appointed in late 2023 to lead reconciliation and strategy, many considered it a poisoned chalice. But his leadership style—consultative, patient, and strategic—proved pivotal.
Saraki did not impose; he mediated. He did not crush dissent; he absorbed it. His “doctrine” emphasised dialogue over decrees, inclusion over exclusion, and survival above individual ambition. It revived PDP’s old tradition of consensus and accommodation, the very traits that once made it dominant.
This doctrine could serve as a model: institutionalising dialogue and reconciliation as permanent mechanisms, not just ad-hoc measures.
Wike’s Bloc and the Convention Test
Even after the NEC, challenges persisted. Wike and other party heavyweights issued six preconditions for a “legitimate” national convention:
Fresh congresses in Ebonyi and Anambra, as ordered by courts.
Immediate South-East Zonal Congress.
Respect for the outcome of the South-South Congress in Calabar.
Prompt conduct of Ekiti LGA congresses in line with legal directives.
Rejection of micro-zoning beyond NEC’s approved formula.
Retention of the National Chairmanship in North-Central, consistent with the 2021 zoning decision.
Signed by Wike, Samuel Ortom, Ayo Fayose, Okezie Ikpeazu, and Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, the communique warned that failure to comply would delegitimise the convention.
On the surface, these demands appeared divisive. Yet they revealed continued engagement—proof that Wike’s camp had not abandoned PDP but sought terms for inclusion. Their demands, rooted in court rulings, also underscored how judicial decisions had become central to PDP’s internal politics.
The danger is clear: mishandling court-ordered congresses could invalidate the convention. But the opportunity is equally real: resolving them could pave the way for lasting unity.
The Symbolism of Survival
The NEC should be remembered not only for its resolutions but also for its symbolism. Images of leaders seated together, communiques issued without rancour, and governors speaking in unison carried psychological weight. For the grassroots, it restored faith that the PDP was not finished. For the wider electorate, it signaled that PDP could still be a credible opposition.
Yet the path ahead remains uncertain. Reconciliation must be treated as a continuous process, not a one-off event. Without an institutional framework for absorbing grievances, every congress risks reopening old wounds.
The NEC marked a transition from paralysis to fragile motion. It showed that even at its weakest, the PDP could still hold together. But the November convention will be the true test.
If Saraki’s blueprint of dialogue and consensus is followed, the PDP could turn its convention into a milestone of renewal. If not, the landmines could still explode.
What is undeniable is that the PDP has stopped writing its obituary. It has begun, cautiously but decisively, its march toward rebirth—with Saraki’s steady hand at the centre of its fragile revival.
