I wish to refer to the Columnist Polycarp Onwubiko on his “Nigeria’s Zonal Commission’s critique of Nigeria’s rapidly expanding matrix of zonal development commissions. The write-up hits at a foundational truth: You cannot solve structural flaws with bureaucratic scaffolding.
The creation of a dedicated commission for every geopolitical zone is an admission that our highly centralized fiscal system is failing. However, instead of curing the disease, it merely medicates the symptoms.To achieve enduring national cohesion and economic dynamism, Nigeria must look beyond these federally funded intervention agencies and embrace classical federalism, the model practiced by mature, prosperous federations like the United States, Canada, and Germany.
The Illusion of Balance: Why Commissions Fail the Federal Test
Government defenders view these commissions as practical tools for regional balancing. In reality, they reinforce the very structural defect stalling Nigeria’s progress: over-centralization.Under our current system, the federal government collects the vast majority of revenues, retains control over the exclusive legislative list, and then magnifies its presence by creating regional boards. This is not devolution; it is extended patronage.
It turns the six geopolitical zones into federal dependencies, waiting for resource allocations from Abuja to fix local roads, combat ecological disasters, or build regional infrastructure.True federalism reverses this flow.
It does not posit that the center should only manage matters of indisputable national scale, such as foreign policy, defense, and macro-monetary regulation, while the federating units hold primary authority over their internal development.
Lessons from Global Federal Models:
When we examine successful stable federations globally, development is not driven by federal intervention boards. It is driven by constitutionally protected, semi-autonomous states, provinces, and regions that control their own economic destinies.
The United States: Competitive Dual Federalism.
In the U.S., there is no “Midwest Development Commission” or “Appalachian Security Agency” run by Washington to dictate regional growth. Under the Tenth Amendment, powers not delegated to the federal government belong strictly to the states or the people. States compete dynamically:They set their own internal tax structures to attract business.They design localized education and criminal justice systems.They manage state-specific natural resources, ensuring that the wealth generated locally directly funds local public goods.
Canada: Asymmetric Autonomy and Resource Ownership.
Canada’s provincial framework offers an excellent mirror for Nigeria’s diverse ethnic and regional landscape. Under the Canadian Constitution, provinces possess outright ownership of the natural resources found within their borders. Alberta manages its vast oil sands and collects its own royalties, using a provincial heritage fund to build infrastructure. Quebec maintains a distinct civil law legal system and manages its own immigration intake to protect its unique cultural identity.The Ottawa government does not intervene via regional boards; instead, a transparent, constitutionally grounded Equalization Program ensures wealth is balanced across provinces without stripping them of their autonomy or resource rights.
Germany: Cooperative Federalism (Bundestreue)
Germany’s Länder (states) demonstrate how classical federalism stabilizes a nation with deep historical divisions. German states have primary authority over police, education, and cultural affairs. Crucially, the German upper house of parliament (Bundesrat) is composed directly of members of state governments. This ensures that the federal government cannot pass laws affecting regional finances or administration without the explicit, direct consent of the states themselves.
From Intervention to Constitutional Restructuring:
The First Republic model proved that Nigeria thrives when its regions are free to innovate. The Western Regional government used its agricultural revenues to pioneer free education and build Africa’s first indigenous television station. The Northern Regional government drove massive pyramid-scale groundnut production, and the Eastern Regional government industrialized rapidly through palm oil and manufacturing. None of these achievements required a federal intervention commission. If Nigeria is to unlock its true potential, it must transition from the current “interim administrative mechanisms” to structural constitutional reforms.
Resource Control and Devolution:
States or consolidated regional governments must be given primary ownership over the resources in their domains, paying a federally agreed percentage or tax to the center to run essential national services.
Decentralized Security:
A singular, federally controlled police force cannot effectively secure a nation of over 200 million people. Classical federalism dictates state and local policing, mirroring the successful multi-tiered law enforcement systems of Germany and the United States.
Economic Autonomy:
Regions must have the legislative power to build railways, generate and distribute electricity, and manage ports without seeking regulatory clearance from Abuja.
Conclusion:
Zonal development commissions are an expensive, bureaucratic detour on the road to nation-building. They create overlapping institutional structures, invite fiscal waste, and sustain a culture of dependency on the center. Nigeria does not need six more federally controlled bureaucracies; it needs a return to the classic federal principles that allow its diverse regions to breathe, compete, and flourish. Only when our geopolitical zones become constitutionally empowered federating units, rather than administrative beggars, will Nigeria achieve the stability and prosperity it deserves.
Prof. Godwin Onu is a lecturer at Nnamdi Azikiwe university, Awka, Anambra state.
